Family Violence Forum
Volume 4, Number 2
Summer 2005

Table of Contents
About the Family Violence Forum
A Personal Note from the Editor
NCSC's International Programs Division
One Woman's Fight for Justice in Nigeria: A Personal Journey with Hauwa Ibrahim
The Plight of Human Trafficking
Resource Corner: Family Violence Around the World: A Snapshot of Resources
In the News: Recommendations for State Courts Handling Domestic Violence
NCSC Happenings: NCSC Launches the Elder Abuse and the Courts Working Group
We Want Your Feedback!

 

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

About the Family Violence Forum
This newsletter is the product of the Family Violence Community of Practice-a collaborative team of researchers, educators, and information specialists with the mission of improving the justice system's response to violence within the family. We are pleased to introduce the latest issue of the Family Violence Forum. For previous newsletters and a full array of court-related information on family violence, visit us at the Center for Family Violence and the Courts.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Personal Note from the Editor
By Brenda K. Uekert

This issue of the Family Violence Forum addresses international aspects of violence against women. While the latest reports suggest a decline in domestic violence in the United States, the World Bank estimates that violence against women was as serious a cause of death and incapacity among women of reproductive age as cancer, and a greater cause of ill health than traffic accidents and malaria combined. Indeed, many nation's laws are used to preserve the subservient status of women. In the words of Abigail Adams, "If particular care and attention is not paid to the ladies, we are determined to foment a rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any laws in which we have no voice or representation."


We Want Your Feedback!

The Family Violence Forum would like to hear from you. If you would like to request technical assistance, or have comments/suggestions for the Forum staff, please e-mail Madelynn Herman or Dr. Brenda Uekert or call 800-616-6164.

Subscribe to NCSC e-newsletters.

 

 

NCSC's International Programs Division
By Peggy Ochandarena

The National Center for State Courts created the International Programs Division (IPD) in 1992 to respond to the many requests NCSC received for assistance from international justice systems. The IPD has established offices in Azerbaijan, Croatia, El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, Kosovo, Mexico, Mongolia, Nigeria, and Serbia. Through the IPD, NCSC is a subcontractor on projects in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Egypt. The projects range from a narrow focus-building a publicly accessible database of laws and legal decisions in Azerbaijan-to providing broad-based, systemic development, such as in Mongolia, where staff assisted first in creating a strategic plan for the justice sector, then worked to implement that plan. NCSC has developed a specialty in post-conflict rule-of-law programming, not only through its projects in countries recovering from violent conflict, but also in the creation of a manual to guide programmatic decisions and directions in these fragile countries. Through the International Visitors Program, NCSC hosts over 300 justice system officials annually, with educational activities tailored to the specific interests and needs of each group.

In various projects, the IPD has worked directly and indirectly to enhance the rights of women and families. Some of the assistance that is tailored to increase access to justice for the poor and vulnerable groups necessarily results in improved legal services for women and children. Other projects have had particular activities geared specifically to women's issues. In Mongolia, prosecutors are being trained in handling domestic violence cases. In Nigeria, activities included assessing impediments and designing interventions to increase women's access to justice, training women on legal rights and access issues, and assessing the gender implications of traditional tribal dispute resolution. In Guatemala and Paraguay, NCSC established women-operated mediation programs that are now sustained with local municipal funding. This year in Haiti, the plan is to fulfill the Ministry of Women's Affairs' request to fund a study of Haitian laws regarding women and children compared with international human-rights treaties and norms. In Egypt, the current project is working on enhancing opportunities for women to become judges (currently there is only one) and prosecutors.

The IPD maintains a database of consultants who are available for long- and short-term assignments as the need arises. The database can be accessed through the NCSC Web site or by mailing a CV to the International Programs Division, National Center for State Courts, 2425 Wilson Boulevard Suite 350, Arlington, VA 22201. The IPD is always on the lookout for those willing to share their expertise both here and abroad. The goal is not to remake the system of any other country into a mirror of the American justice system, but rather to offer the lessons we have learned in a way that allows for selection of those elements that can be applied or tailored to fit another culture. These interactions often enrich us as much as the recipients.

Snapshot: Egypt

The Middle East is not an area known for widespread acceptance of rights for women. And among these countries, Egypt, often a leader in the region, lags behind in this area. And yet there are signs of openings. Until 2004, a woman seeking divorce, child custody, and alimony would likely have had three cases in three different courts that took an average of eight years to be decided. Last year, Egypt enacted a family-courts law that calls for mandatory mediation in cases involving personal status, such as marriage, divorce, alimony, and child custody and support. If mediation fails to resolve all of the issues, the outstanding contentions are heard by a judge who receives input from a social worker and psychologist. Cases are consolidated and heard in one jurisdiction by one court. Another law created at the same time provides that child-support payments can be received from a bank that will then seek recovery from the individual responsible for the payment-a system that guarantees that children will not bear the brunt of a parent's failure to pay.

But these innovations have stretched resources thin and introduced concepts that the government is struggling to implement. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is bolstering this initiative by requesting proposals for a project that will support the functioning of the family courts through training mediators, increasing public awareness of the new laws, and creating a database that will capture information useful for program measurement and evaluation. One of the five agencies eligible to bid on this project is NCSC's International Programs Division.

 

One Woman's Fight for Justice in Nigeria: A Personal Journey with Hauwa Ibrahim
By Peggy Ochandarena

The day was already warm when we left the house at dawn, a precursor of the scorching temperatures that would soon arrive. With the sun coming up, we were leaving the house early to journey into the Nigerian countryside in search of two women who were under a sentence of death by stoning for adultery. They had been recently released into the custody of their families in the state of Bauchi.

I was traveling with Hauwa Ibrahim, a Nigerian lawyer who became known to international human-rights groups after she successfully appealed that same sentence for two Nigerian women in 2002. Bauchi is Hauwa's home state, and she had practiced here for a number of years before moving to the capital of Nigeria, Abuja. But she could not forget the plight of defendants sentenced to harsh punishments under the Islamic Sharia law in Bauchi, knowing the system had not provided any of the procedural protections afforded by the Sharia. And so we were returning to interview the women sentenced and those both prosecuting and defending them.

We traveled six hours from Abuja north over a two-lane road that contained an assortment of sedans, overloaded trucks, and bulging buses, but additional hazards were immediately to the side of each lane, where bicyclists, pedestrians, and a variety of animals moved alongside the speeding vehicles. That road, however, proved superior to what we traveled in search of the defendants. Once out of the capital city of Bauchi, the road became gravel, then dirt, then a rutted creek bed. We bounced over large rocks I thought would tear out the floor of the car and scrape our feet, and sat still when herds of cows, goats, and sheep claimed the right of way. This territory is home to the Fulani, a nomadic tribe that one of the defendants belonged to, and finding her did not involve looking up a street address. This area had little access to technological advances for communication, but asking passing herders if they knew of the woman and where her group might be found proved effective, albeit slow.

The other defendant lived in a local village along a dirt road nearly two hours outside of Bauchi's capital. Again, there was no map, no street signs-just a vague knowledge of where her village might be, supplemented by numerous passersby. When the car could go no further, we walked the rest of the distance to where she lived with her mother and siblings. The defendant could not have been more than 16, and her advanced pregnancy was barely discernible. The family lived in a mud hut, with their crops and animals surrounding the house. There was no electricity, no running water; the year could have been 204 A.D. as easily as 2004.

We sat under a tree on simple reed mats that usually served as bedding. There, Hauwa learned that the conviction had been obtained by a village elder; that the father of the unborn child had not been charged even though he was married to another woman; and that the defendant had no counsel, no advice on her rights, and no experience with a court or legal system. In fact, she had never attended a day of school and could not read or write. She told us that the village elders had asked her who the father of her child was and told her there would be no trouble if she named him, and she responded "yes" to all questions to acknowledge her subservience to and respect for the elders, as her culture demanded.

Hauwa's quest began after she worked in the Ministry of Justice as a prosecutor. There she observed the lack of legal resources for the poor, and in a country where 60 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, that included most people. Women had even less opportunity for legal assistance, as men zealously sought jobs that might go to women in countries with less than Nigeria's high unemployment rate. Hauwa eventually came to the conclusion that she could not continue to work for the prosecution and quit to set up a private practice with a goal to provide services for the poor.

When Bauchi enacted legislation in 2002 that gave jurisdiction of criminal matters to the Sharia courts, harsh punishments began surfacing. Hauwa's objection was not to the imposition of the Islamic law but, rather, to the court's failure to observe the due-process protections built into the Sharia that are required before such drastic punishments can be instituted. For example, before a sentence of death by stoning for adultery can be imposed, either a defendant must confess or there must be four eyewitnesses to the offense; in any case, fairness to the defendants is a central component of the Sharia. These defendants' failure to receive any legal guidance violated the law. Hauwa's quest is simple, but critical: to see that those standing before the law receive fair treatment under that law and to see that the international human-rights treaties to which Nigeria is signatory are observed.

Returning from the village, we visited the defense attorney appointed by an international human-rights group to review his strategy. As a practicing real-estate lawyer, criminal defense was not his specialty, and Hauwa shared numerous points on which the appeal could be based. We also visited the prosecutor's office, and received a surprise: the Attorney General had previously worked for a human-rights organization, and because he was appalled at the sentences being meted out, was organizing the local bar to take pro bono cases for these defendants. We discussed ways to support the bar in this endeavor. Our last visit was to the Grand Kadi, the chief judge of the Sharia appeals court, who agreed that it is important that the Sharia be applied wholly and that its principle of fairness is paramount.

Within the two months following our visit, both of these sentences were overturned on appeal. Hauwa continues to follow her heart despite the lack of financial incentives in these cases, because she believes in her work: representing defendants, providing assistance to other attorneys handling these cases, and organizing both local and international groups to address these issues.

The Plight of Human Trafficking
By Brenda K. Uekert

Human trafficking, sometimes referred to as "modern-day slavery," is a global problem. The U.S. Department of State estimates that approximately 800,000 to 900,000 victims annually are trafficked across international borders worldwide. When including the number of domestically trafficked victims, the number reaches into the millions. The State Department estimates that between 18,000 and 20,000 of those victims are trafficked into the United States. This figure contrasts to an estimate provided by the Central Intelligence Agency-in 1999 the agency estimated that 45,000 to 50,000 women and children are trafficked annually to the United States, primarily by small crime rings and loosely connected criminal networks. Wide variations in estimates highlight the difficulty of collecting even basic information on a problem that is often hidden from the public, as well as the lack of attention given to domestic trafficking.

 

Human trafficking is most often regarded as an international problem, in which less-developed nations are the origin or source countries, and more-developed nations are the destination countries.¹ Nations with lax laws and enforcement often serve as transit countries in the trafficking network. Hughes and Denisova (2002) note that demand for women is created by countries with large sex industries and countries where traffickers are able to easily recruit women. Traffickers use the lack of laws, or lack of enforcement, in many parts of the world to gather and transport victims with relative immunity. This is fueled by a dearth of publicized information for potential victims about the dangers of trafficking. While the factors that fuel the trafficking market are multiple and complex, poverty frequently plays a role. Citizens of impoverished nations with few opportunities for economic stability are at greatest risk of being conscripted into trafficking; generally, the victims are transported to countries of wealth-to citizens with disposable incomes to spend purchasing human commodities. As a large portion of trafficking that occurs in wealthy countries, such as the United States, uses victims imported from foreign countries, the problem of domestic trafficking, where the victim originates within the country, is frequently overshadowed. Yet one U.S. national study estimates that approximately 10 to 15 percent of all homeless and street children nationally are trafficked (Estes and Weiner, 2001).

The sex industry drives much of human trafficking; according to the U.S. Department of Justice, approximately two-thirds of internationally trafficked victims are women and children forced or coerced into commercial sex. Commercial sex includes a wide range of activities, ranging from stripping to forced prostitution. Other common forms of exploitation that trafficked victims face include sweatshop labor, agricultural and construction work, and domestic service. Victims of trafficking tend to be young; the Department of Justice estimates that roughly half of all internationally trafficked victims are under the age of 18, and the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division places the average age of a trafficked victim in the United States at 20 years (Richard, 2000).

The exploitation of trafficked victims falls on a wide continuum of mistreatment; some of the cases can be quite severe, with victims being forced into slavery. The victims may receive no pay for their work, and their captors may increase the "debt" owed by the victims for basic necessities such as food, water, and shelter, wiping out any "earnings" the victim may have accrued. The victims may also endure beatings, torture, repeated rape, and constant surveillance by their captors. Not all trafficking situations involve such extreme conditions. Some involve smuggled migrants coerced or tricked into unsafe working conditions or paid below the legal minimum wage. Some cases may not involve physical force, but include fraud or manipulation. The diversity in situations provides a challenge to law enforcement and the courts in determining which cases meet the criteria of trafficking, and some cases have been overlooked for years under the misperception that the cases do not meet the criteria of trafficking.

Traffickers obtain victims through several means, also contributing to the difficulty in identifying trafficking situations. Victims may be tricked into going willingly with a trafficker under the pretenses of legitimate job opportunities in a different location, either within or beyond the borders of their country. In some cases the victim may have been sold outright by a parent or by a husband. Of the women that are brought into the United States, they may enter the country through the illegal use of "legitimate" or forged travel documents, or they may be brought over the border without going through a legal checkpoint. Once in the United States, victims are carefully guarded or restricted, making detection of their situation difficult. If the victim had legal identity papers, such as a passport, these may be confiscated, leaving the victim vulnerable to threats that they will be arrested if discovered in the country illegally. Language or cultural barriers may further isolate victims from potential sources of assistance. Captors, particularly within the sex industry, maintain the isolation of the victims by regularly moving them from one locale to another. Not only does this assist traffickers in avoiding detection from law enforcement, it also keeps the victims from developing relationships with citizens or clients who could help them. It also benefits the sex traffickers, as they are able to provide a variety of new women to their clients.

Law enforcement and the courts face multiple hurdles in addressing trafficking. Among the challenges are information-sharing difficulties, investigative challenges, low penalties for the traffickers, lack of trafficking laws, and overlooking of smaller trafficking cases (Richard, 2000:31). As trafficking operations span international and jurisdictional borders, coordination and sharing of information can be quite challenging. Even U.S. federal departments may have different goals; as a Department of Labor worker reported, "If INS is looking at [a forced labor case] they would be looking to deport people. If we are looking at it, we are looking to pay people. If Justice is looking at it, they are looking to put people in jail" ("Hidden Slaves, 2004:27). In addition, it can be very difficult for investigators to penetrate trafficking groups, particularly when groups are ethnically based and have language differences.

The emphasis on large, organized trafficking operations may also cause federal law enforcement to overlook smaller trafficking rings, allowing these organizations to evade detection. Local law enforcement may not have training in the identification of trafficking and, thus, when they uncover the operation may view victims of trafficking as co-conspirators or willing participants. In addition, local law enforcement may be reluctant to investigate common hotbeds of trafficking, such as brothels, as they may not have the training to be aware of the potential of trafficking operations in their community. They may instead view these locations as areas of harmless deviance of lower priority than their other enforcement concerns.

On October 29, 2000, Congress passed the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (VTVPA) to assist in dealing with the problem of human trafficking. The VTVPA increased existing penalties under Title 18 from 10 years to 20 years and added specific provisions for forced labor; trafficking with respect to peonage, slavery, involuntary servitude, or forced labor; sex trafficking of children; and unlawful conduct with respect to documents in furtherance of trafficking, peonage, slavery, involuntary servitude, or forced labor. The VTVPA established an interagency task force to monitor and combat trafficking; authorized programs to prevent trafficking; and offered protection and assistance for victims of severe forms of trafficking. Services available to victims under the VTVPA include medical care, food stamps, housing and cash assistance, and immigration relief. From 2000 to 2003, over 400 adult victims received certification for benefits eligibility; child victims, however, do not need to be certified to receive benefits ("Report to Congress," 2004:9). The act also established regular country reports to monitor trafficking and authorized assistance to foreign governments to meet minimum standards, as well as actions against governments failing to meet minimum standards.

However, some feel that the VTVPA does not go far enough to fully address the problem of trafficking and to support victims. Immigration and social services are only provided to victims of a "severe form of trafficking,"² and some victims have been unable to receive certificates when they were unable to demonstrate that their situations were severe enough ("Hidden Slaves," 2004:23). Some feel that training of law enforcement officials is still not sufficient to address the problem of trafficking and that states are not doing enough to educate their populations as to the growing problem of trafficking. Lack of coordination of the federal system with local and state law-enforcement officers has also hampered efforts to combat trafficking. However, the DOJ is now awarding more than $7.6 million in grants to enable state and local law enforcement to fight human trafficking by creating local task forces similar to the federal task force and enabling law enforcement to work with victim and social-services organizations and federal agencies. Currently, the Department of Justice has twenty anti-trafficking task forces, primarily located in the Southwest or East Coast, with ten more to start in 2005.³

State involvement has become increasingly valued in the fight against human trafficking. Although many of the early anti-trafficking efforts came through federal legislation and courts, it is apparent that the fight must expand to include state support if it is to succeed in reducing trafficking. Of particular concern were cases in which state officials, considering these crimes to be of federal concern, did not act in pursuing suspected trafficking operations ("Hidden Slaves," 2004). In addition to the DOJ-sponsored task forces, states are also initiating their own task forces. For example, Washington and Connecticut have both established task forces by legislative statute, and Idaho has created a fact-finding and education committee.

As of June 2004, state anti-trafficking criminal statutes carrying harsh sentences have been adopted in four states: Texas, Florida, Washington, and Missouri. In July 2004, the Department of Justice built on these efforts by providing a model template of an effective state anti-trafficking statute ("Model Statute," 2004). The Senate supported the model template by passing a resolution to encourage states to adopt the model statute. As of January 2005, legislation was pending in Minnesota and New Jersey, and California, Nebraska, Idaho, Massachusetts, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas Islands have legislative efforts underway ("State Anti-Trafficking Legislation," 2004).


References
Central Intelligence Agency Briefing (1999). Global Trafficking in Women and Children: Assessing the Magnitude (April).

Estes, Richard J., and Neil Alan Weiner (2001). "The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the US, Canada and Mexico." University of Pennsylvania.

Hughes, Donna M., and Tatyana Denisova (2002). "Trafficking in Women from Ukraine."

"Hidden Slaves: Forced Labor in the United States" (2004). Washington, DC: Human Rights Center.

"Model State Anti-Trafficking Criminal Statute" (2004). Anti-Trafficking News Bulletin 1, nos. 8 and 9 (August/September).

"Report to Congress from Attorney General John Ashcroft on U.S. Government Efforts to Combat Trafficking in Persons in Fiscal Year 2003" (2004). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.

Richard, Amy O'Neill (2000). "International Trafficking in Women to the United States: A Contemporary Manifestation of Slavery and Organized Crime." Center for the Study of Intelligence.

"State Anti-Trafficking Legislation Effort Intensifies" (2004). Anti-Trafficking News Bulletin 1, nos. 11 and 12 (November/December).

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, The Campaign to Rescue and Restore Victims of Human Trafficking.

Endnotes
¹According to a recent study of trafficking in women, the primary source countries for trafficking to the United States are currently Thailand, Vietnam, China, Mexico, Russia, Ukraine, and the Czech Republic. (Return.)

²Section 103(8) of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 defines a "severe form of trafficking" as "(a) sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act has not attained 18 years of age; or (b) the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery." (Return.)

³Current task forces are active in Houston, El Paso, and San Antonio, Texas; San Francisco, Los Angeles, andSan Diego, California; Albuquerque, New Mexico; Las Vegas, Nevada; Phoenix, Arizona; Miami, Orlando, and Tampa, Florida; Atlanta, Georgia; northern Virginia; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Newark, New Jersey; New York; Connecticut; Washington, D.C.; and St. Louis, Missouri. (Return.)

 

 

Resource Corner
Family Violence Around the World: A Snapshot of Resources

By Madelynn Herman

Family violence is found in all countries around the globe and has no ethnic, cultural, or economic boundaries. However, the response to violence can and does vary greatly depending on local laws and customs. Just as in the United States, laws change, new court procedures are developed, and responses to violence against women evolve over time to meet societal needs. The resources highlighted below provide a snapshot of materials relating to violence against women on a global scale, including international reports and responses, as well as resources on as human trafficking.

International Reports and Responses to Violence Against Women

  • The World Report on Violence and Health (World Health Organization, 2002) is a comprehensive review of violence on a global scale. This report defines violence, measures its impact, and discusses how it can be prevented. See especially:
    Fact Sheet on Intimate Partner Violence
    Fact Sheet on Sexual Violence
  • As a result of the 2002 World Report, the WHO issued Preventing Violence: A Guide to Implementing the Recommendations of the World Report on Violence and Health, which provides practical suggestions for implementing the WHO recommendations.
  • Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Amnesty International provides a comprehensive explanation of female genital mutilation around the world. According to these Web pages, an estimated 135 million of the world's girls and women have undergone genital mutilation. FGM is practiced in 28 countries worldwide. It is practiced extensively in Africa and is common in some countries in the Middle East. It also occurs in parts of Asia and the Pacific, North and Latin America, and Europe. The WHO also provides information and fact sheets on FGM.
  • On July 1, 2005, Georgia made FGM illegal. See the language of this new act (House Bill 10) on the Georgia General Assembly Web pages. To read the language of this model legislation on FGM, see Georgia House Bill 1477.
  • In "One Woman's Crusade Against Rape in South Africa" (Christian Science Monitor, April 12, 2000), Corinna Schuler describes how a journalist put sex crimes in South Africa on the agenda. Through writing about her own rape, journalist Charlene Smith heightened political awareness of the rape problem in South Africa, which resulted in justice-system changes, such as the development of 29 rape courts. The author also points out that only 7 percent of reported rape cases ever make it to a court.
  • In "South Africa Finds 'Rape Courts' Work," (Christian Science Monitor, January 29, 2003), Nicole Itano states that South Africa's legal system is providing a "road map" for countries combating sexual assault through the use of this specialized court that utilizes specially trained prosecutors and judges and provides more victim-friendly services.

Human Trafficking

  • The Trafficking in Persons Report from the U.S. State Department (2004) provides a an explanation of the extent of the problem, explains the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, and identifies several best practices for combating human trafficking.
  • In Hiding in Plight: A Practical Guide to Identifying Victims of Trafficking in the U.S. (U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, October 2003), Donna M. Hughes has developed a comprehensive guidebook that provides practical information on identifying victims, where and how to find victims of trafficking, who should report suspected cases of trafficking, and services for victims of trafficking.
  • A Trafficking in Persons guidebook was developed by the Texas Office of Immigration and Refugee Affairs (August 2004). This guidebook provides information on what you need to know, how to identify a trafficked person, steps to take if you suspect trafficking, and benefits eligibility for trafficking victims.
  • The Polaris Project is a multicultural grassroots organization based in both the United States and Japan that was set up to combat human trafficking and modern-day slavery. They provide victim services, conduct advocacy, and have helped to build the anti-trafficking movement. The Polaris Project also provides a toll-free hotline in four different languages to report human-trafficking cases.
  • In "Human Trafficking: A Growing Crime to Hit State Courts" (Future Trends in State Courts 2005, NCSC), Virginia Suveiu points out that the major countries of origin for trafficked victims in the United States are Thailand, Vietnam, China, Mexico, Russia, Ukraine, and the Czech Republic, and there is also a growth of victims from sub-Saharan African and Central American nations. Her article discusses state anti-trafficking legislation in the United States and the challenges that affect the state courts.

Upcoming Events

The World Conference for the Prevention on Prevention of Family Violence 2005 will take place in Alberta Canada, October 23-26, 2005.

Further Information

The NCSC Family Violence Resource Guide provides various additional resources on human trafficking and domestic violence around the world. To request information from the NCSC, call 800-616-6164. To inquire about technical assistance, please contact Dr. Brenda K. Uekert at 757-259-1861.

In the News: Recommendations for State Courts Handling Domestic Violence

By Hon. Jonathan Lippman
Chief Administrative Judge
New York Office of Court Administration

"It's just a domestic." How many advocates have heard that dismissive phrase from prosecutors, police, and judges over the years? But more recently, thanks in large part to the domestic violence advocacy community, state courts have begun testing improved responses to domestic violence cases. Efforts are underway across the county to increase victim safety and defendant accountability and reduce the recidivism endemic to this area. But it is not easy-the problems are very complex and the potential solutions are difficult to implement and measure. The Conference of State Court Administrators (COSCA) recently issued a helpful policy paper, "Safety and Accountability: State Courts and Domestic Violence," which has been endorsed by the Conference of Chief Justices (CCJ). The policy paper fleshes out the issues involved in improving the judicial response to domestic violence, offers examples of good ideas from around the country, and provides a road map for future action.

Judges, attorneys, court administrators, criminal and civil justice professionals, and advocates all face tough questions when a domestic violence victim drops a civil case or refuses to cooperate with the prosecution of a criminal matter. Was it because the system response was inadequate? Did he threaten her and force her to stop the proceeding? Were there cultural or economic pressures that overwhelmed her? Did the children simply want to see their father? Or, as some may still suspect, is it her fault that she can't stay away? And, given that we often don't know the answer to these questions, should we respect the decision not to go forward or should we try to continue without her? These are difficult questions to answer, but it is only by wrestling with these issues that the justice system can hope to improve victim safety.

While there is still much to learn about good practice in domestic violence cases, it is possible to highlight a number of basic principles that all jurisdictions should attempt to implement.

  • Orders of protection should be more effectively crafted and more consistently enforced, especially across state borders
  • Judges need to be provided with more up-to-date information concerning each defendant/respondent's history
  • Courts must follow up to ensure defendant/respondent compliance with court orders
  • Judges and other court personnel should receive specialized training on domestic violence and cultural differences
  • Courts need to do a better job of providing meaningful access to justice by streamlining the court process and more effectively managing their cases

The policy paper highlights several court system programs, developed in conjunction with local advocates and service providers, which have implemented these principles. Vermont, for example, has sought to enhance victim safety by allowing litigants access to the courts 24 hours per day. New York State has undertaken a major readjustment of its case processing by creating "one-family/one-judge" courts that bring civil, criminal, and matrimonial cases together before a single judge. Utah has ensured that its state government agencies work collaboratively by convening a Cabinet Council that develops and implements two-year master plans for the prevention of domestic violence and the provision of services to survivors. And Washington, D.C., has increased the accessibility of its courts by setting up satellite intake centers based in neighborhoods.

Based on these and other projects, the policy paper recommends that each state court system take seven steps toward improving its response to domestic violence cases.

  • Each state should undertake a complete survey of its current response to domestic violence cases, whether criminal or civil, and elicit both quantitative and qualitative data. It is important to outline the scope of the problem before designing solutions.
  • Each state should designate a single point of contact within its court administration to coordinate domestic violence programs and responses.
  • States should identify a statewide model that emphasizes victim safety and defendant accountability and strives to provide consistency in handling domestic violence cases and delivering services to victims.
  • States should work to address the multi-jurisdictional needs of litigants by eliminating gaps between civil and criminal proceedings while continuing to ensure due process.
  • Court systems must dedicate sufficient resources to handling domestic violence cases, including providing technology to judges on the bench so that they have the up-to-date information necessary to making good decisions.
  • Both judicial and nonjudicial personnel should be regularly trained on domestic violence and cultural competency issues by partnering with local criminal justice and domestic violence professionals.
  • State court leadership should provide the support that judges need to participate in and even spearhead multiagency partnerships to combat domestic violence.

For its part, COSCA and CCJ adopted a National Action Plan in 2004 to support the implementation of these recommendations. It calls for forging a closer partnership with the Department of Justice's Office on Violence Against Women; conducting a national survey of current court responses to domestic violence; hosting a national conference to identify the essential elements and standards for effective court response to domestic violence; undertaking an annual follow-up review to monitor and evaluate the progress of reform efforts; and promulgating a national research agenda to evaluate and identify the most effective practices.

Making the justice system more responsive to the real needs of battered women and children will be an ongoing struggle. The recommendations developed by COSCA and endorsed by CCJ help ensure that the state court community will be a major partner in efforts to achieve broad systemic reform.

NCSC Happenings: NCSC Launches the Elder Abuse and the Courts Working Group
By Brenda K. Uekert

In May 2005, the Family Violence Forum launched the Elder Abuse and the Courts Working Group. The Working Group is a multidisciplinary group of experts and practitioners and includes representatives from the judiciary, criminal justice agencies, adult protective services, advocacy and legal organizations, and government officials. Currently, membership in the group is by invitation only. The Working Group was created to help courts identify cases of elder abuse and neglect and to develope tools that will improve court responses. Updates from the Working Group can be found at the Center for Family Violence and the Courts as they become available. For more information, contact Brenda Uekert at 757-259-1861.



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